Information found on Captain John Huddleston
HISTORY vs. MULTICULTURALISM:
THANKSGIVING AND THE PEQUOT WAR
The Pilgrims reached America. They met the Natives who shared food with them and taught them to grow corn. In celebration of this, they had a feast which was the first Thanksgiving, a celebration of cooperation and friendship. Thus went the American folk myth for many years.
Periodically, however, various multiculturalists have come up with a startling challenge to this myth. Apparently, their research has showed that Thanksgiving was really the celebration of the massacre of a hapless group of Pequot (or Pequod) Natives cruelly burned to death by the sinister Pilgrims who thought them to be witches and devil-worshippers. And, periodically, a new multi-culturalist, apparently without relying on his predecessors, makes a new discovery which becomes the basis for new articles by other multiculturalists, such as by one to which an opposing article was published in NATURAL HISTORY in the early 1990s and the one the author of this essay read on Thanksgiving Day in 1998.
What, then, is the source of these periodic "discoveries"? The only real argument for this with which the author is aware (besides statements made by previous multiculturalists to the same effect) is the June 15, 1637 line from the JOURNAL OF JOHN WINTHROP (1630-1649): "There was a day of thanksgiving for the victory obtained against the Pequots, and for other mercies..." and the October 12, 1637 entrance, which states "A day of thanksgiving kept in all the churches for our victoires against the Pequots..." Is this proof that Thanksgiving was really a celebration of the massacre of the Pequots as stated in the 1998 article by a Hispanic Studies teacher?
Before getting into whether or not Thanksgiving was really the celebration of such a violent act, a larger picture surrounding the events of this massacre is necessary. The Pequots (or Pequods) were a tribe living in New England and the lower Hudson River area. The name is often translated as "destroyers," a term apparently given them by the neighboring tribes due to their legendary fierceness and willingness to attack those around them. Alvin M. Josephy, Jr, a historian and the first chairman of the board of the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institute gives the following description of the acts which provided the inital impetus for the massacre: "The first violence erupted in the southern Connecticut home land of the Pequots, a division of the Mohegans who were a separate branch of the Hudson River Mahicans (both names meant 'wolves', and both groups were sometimes called Mohicans). The Pequots and Mohegans had engaged in intertribal warfare, but in 1636 Massachusetts Bay Puritans, who were comparative newcomers to the New World, became angered by an alleged Pequot attack on some white men. Their destruction of a Pequot town led to a brief but savage war in which the whites were aided by Mohegans and by Narraganset Indians of Rhode Island. Encouraged by their clergymen who regarded the Pequots as agents of Satan, the Puritans crushed those Indians, firing their principal town near the Mystic River in Connecticut and roasting to death or shooting more than six hundred of its inhabitants." This tells us that the Massacre was the final stage in a war with the Pequots (an explanation which appears to be curiously absent from most of the multicultural arguments tying Thanksgiving to the Massacre!) - the Pequot War which, according to Josephy, probably contributed to the great conflict which was to become known as King Philip's War. Still, this tells us relatively little, except that the Massachusett Bay Colony were superstitious, felt the Pequots had been responsible for the murder of a number of white persons and had subsequently massacred a Pequot town - by fire and ballistic weapons.
For a more thorough account of the conflict, we turn to William Bradford's OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 1620 - 1647 [Bradford, the Governor of Plymouth Plantation for most of the period covered in his history was critical of the actions taken by Winthrop and the Massachusetts Bay Colony during the Pequot War]. In 1622 a massacre of the settlers at Massachusetts Bay [which was to have been followed by a massacre of the Plymouth colonists, the latter of which was not carried out due to the opposition of the Wampanoags chieftain] had taken place because the Massachusetts Bay Colonists had appropriated corn and other property from the neighboring Natives, were weak from hunger and sickness and treated the Natives with contempt [curiously, much earlier, the reverse situation had occurred in which the tools of the Plymouth Colonists had been stolen by natives, but which were returned due, in large part, to the efforts of Squantos]. Captain John Huddleston placed the overall number of colonists lost in the massacre at above 400. Late in 1636, charges that two men [Oldham and the Dutch Captain Stone, both of whom had a less than wholesome reputation; the latter had been accused of theft and suspected of murder by some] were killed by Natives resulted in Captain Endicott leading a group of English to the Pequots in an attempt to encourage them to give up the accused killers. "[T]he English went to the Pequots and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, and the English returned without doing anything of purpose..." Bradford wrote of the incident. "After the English were returned, the Pequots took their time and opportunity to cut off some of the English as they passed in boats and went on fowling, and assaulted them the next spring at their habitations..."In Chapter 28, he states: "the Pequots fell openly upon the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them as they were at work in the fields, both men and women, to the great terrour of the rest, and went away in great pride and triumph, with many high threats. They also assaulted a fort at the river's mouth..."
John Winthrop, the sometime governor of the Massachussets Bay Colony, brings further enlightenment on the situation. In his July 26, 1636 entry to his journal, he states that the Narragansetts had been responsible for the murder of Oldham - apparently because he wanted to make peace with the Pequots in order to engage in trade with them. A commission was handed out for the execution of the male Narragansetts on Block Island [although, they only managed to destroy their dwellings, some corn, and a few canoes], where Oldham had been murdered, and to demand that the Pequots surrender the killers of Stone [whom the Pequots had previously agreed to turn over in an agreement for peace and trade since they were, at the time, at war with both the Dutch and the Narragansetts]. The commission allowed the commissioned party to take the killers, 1000 "fathom" of wampum (for damages) and some of their children for hostages! In the ensuing exchange 13 Pequots were killed. Subsequently, the Pequots attacked Saybrook, killing about 5 Englishmen.
Bradford and Winthrop tell us that according to the Narragansetts the Pequots attempted to seek an alliance in order to eradicate the English by raids, firing the fields and houses, killing the livestock and ambushing the Colonists, but the hatred of their traditional enemies caused the Narragansetts to inform the English of this plan and side with the latter against the Pequots. 130 settlers from Connecticut and the Bay Colony joined with a party of Narragansetts approached a Pequot stronghold. "They approached the same with great silence and surrounded it both with English and Indians, that they might not break out... shooting amongst them, and entered the fort with all speed," Bradford continues. "And those that first entered found sharp resistance from the enemy who both shot at and grappled with them; others ran into their houses and brought out fire and set them on fire which soon took in their mat; and... with the wind all was quickly on a flame, and thereby more were burnt to death than was otherwise slain." All the Narranagasetts had remained on the outside, preventing the Pequots from escaping and "[i]nsulting over their enemies in their ruin and misery." Once the massacre was over, the Narragansetts became aloof toward the English. The chief ruler of the Pequots fled to the Mohawks were he was apparently beheaded for some wampum. Bradford states that of the two remaining groups of Pequots, one submitted to the Narranagasetts while those Pequots of Connecticut who had not participated in the conflict sought the protection of the Mohegans with the support of the English. He finishes the episode by stating this action to protect the loyal group of Pequots so outraged the Narragansetts that they began to encourage a conspiracy against the English. In retrospect, much of what occurred appears to have been the designs of the Narragansetts, much as Kondiaronk, of the Hurons, played the Iroquois and the French against each other to prevent Denonville's attempt at peace [COUNT FRONTENAC AND NEW FRANCE, by Francis Parkman]. One thing, however, appears clear - this was not simply a massacre by the colonists of unwitting Pequots due to supposed devil-worship on the part of the latter.
Having placed the "massacre" in its proper scope, we now return to the issue of whether or not it was this celebration which provided the basis for Thanksgiving. The second paragraph of Winthrop's journal for June 5, 1630, states: "In the Cabin - thanksgiving," although, perhaps it could be argued that this was not really a reference to an offical day of thanksgiving. However, it is clear that neither the June 15 nor the October 12, 1637 celebrations were the first thanksgiving, since Bradford records the first Thanksgiving as having occurred somewhere in 1621, some 16 years prior to the Pequot war! A second thanksgiving took place in 1623, some 14 years prior to the conflict, and the editor states that the Governor was enabled to provide period thanksgiving days by a November 15, 1636 law - the year before the end of the conflict which was supposed to have served as the basis for the holiday of Thanksgiving!
CONCLUSION
There appears to be little evidence for the argument that Thanksgiving was actually a festival to celebrate the massacre of unwitting, innocent Pequots for their supposed devil-worship. In actuality, a day of thanksgiving [as with the associated day of humiliation when the Puritans suffered loss or deprivation and thought God to be angry with them]appears to have been a religious holiday, celebrating God's benevolence and bounty to the people, the pilgrims being a very religious people who saw god's hand in everthing.
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For an opposing viewpoint, the two following sites provide the multicultural argument:
Thanksgiving Day Massacre
Policy Toward the Native Americans.
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DESCRIPTIONS OF THE FORTIFIED
TOWN OF PLYMOUTH, 1620-1628
© 2000 Copyright and All Rights Reserved
by Patricia Scott Deetz and James Deetz
I - Platform for Ordnance built on the hill, 1620
December 28, 1620 - Edward Winslow and William Bradford
Thursday, the 28th December, so many as could went to work on the hill where we purposed to build our platform for our ordnance, and which doth command all the plain and the bay, and from whence we may see far into the sea, and might be easier impaled, having two rows of houses and a fair street.
"A Relation or Journal of the Proceedings of the Plantation settled at Plymouth in New England," attributed to Edward Winslow and William Bradford. In Dwight B. Heath (Ed.), Mourt's Relation (London 1622), (Bedford, Mass, Applewood, 1963), p. 42.
Friday, January 16, 1621
[After a report that there were twelve Indians marching toward the plantation, and they saw a great fire which they made that night, and also had tools stolen in the woods by the Indians] This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out of temper.
Ibid., p. 49
Saturday, January 17, 1621
After hearing "noise of a great many more [savages] behind the hill [over against our plantation], This caused us to plant our great ordnance in places most convenient.
Ibid.
Wednesday, February 21, 1621
. . . the master came on shore with many of his sailors, and brought with him one of the great pieces, called a minion [a cannon with 33 inch bore, firing 2 lb shot], and helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a saller [a misprint for saker, a cannon with 4 inch bore, firing a six pound shot], and two bases [small cannons with 13 inch bore, firing 2lb shot].
Ibid., p. 50
22 March 1621
Peace Treaty made with Massasoit, chief Sachem of the Wampanoag.
Ibid., pp. 55-59
II - Town impaled, February-March 1622
In November 1621, the Fortune arrived with thirty-five new colonists, plus Robert Cushman who returned to England a month later. They found only fifty of the original passengers on the Mayflower had survived, so numbers in the colony now increased to eighty-five. Twenty-one of the remaining Mayflower passengers were men, and there were six young adult males, plus twenty-six men who came on the Fortune, effectively fifty-three men who could have been involved in building the palisade to fortify the town.
Richard M. Candee, in his "A Documentary History of Plymouth Colony Architecture, 1620-1700," refers to a description in the Plymouth Town Records, MSS., vol. I, p. 146, in the office of the Plymouth Town Clerk, in which there is a description "later in the century" of a palisade such as the one built around the town in 1622. It "was made of sharpened pales 102 feet long, buried 22 feet in the ground, and backed two against a third, and set >against a post and a Raile" (Old-Time New England, vol. 59, no. 3, 1969, pp. 63 and note 23, p. 70).
December 1621/January 1622? - William Bradford
Soon after the ship's departure [the Fortune, which sailed from Plymouth on 13 December 1621, according to Captain John Smith in New Englands Trials (Barbour), vol. 1, p. 430], that great people of the Narragansetts, in a braving manner, sent a messenger unto them with a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snake skin, which their interpreters told them was a threatening and a challenge . . .
But this made them the more carefully to look to themselves, so as they agreed to enclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places with gates to shut, which were every night locked, and a watch kept; and when need required, there was also warding in the daytime. And the company was by the Captain's and the Governor's advice divided into four squadrons, and everyone had their quarter appointed them unto which they were to repair upon any sudden alarm. And if there should be any cry of fire, a company were appointed for a guard, with muskets, whilst others quenched the same, to prevent Indian treachery. This was accomplished very cheerfully, and the town impaled round by the beginning of March, in which every family had a pretty garden plot secured.
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, Samuel Eliot Morison, (Ed.), (New York: Knopf, 1952), p. 97.
February 1622 - Edward Winslow [Marginal date]
In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated; making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three whereof are gates, and the fourth in time to be.
Edward Winslow, Good Newes from New England (London 1624). In Alexander Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers ofthe Colony of Plymouth from 1602 to 1625 (Boston: Little and Brown, 1841), p. 284.
February, 1622 - Thomas Prince, based on William Bradford
This [the threat from the Narragansett] makes us more carefully to look to ourselves, and agree to enclose our dwellings with strong pales, flankers, gates. February [1622]. We impale our town, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated, make four bulwarks or jetties, whence we can defend the whole town; in three whereof are gates, which are locked every night; a watch and ward kept in the day. The Governor and Captain divide the Company into four squadrons with commanders; every one his quarter assigned to repair to, in any alarm. And if there be a cry of "Fire!" a company is appointed for a guard, with muskets, while others quench it, to prevent treachery.
Thomas Prince, A Chronological History of New-England, in the form of Annals (Boston, N.E., 1736) (Edinburgh, Private printing, 1887-88), vol. 3, p. 53.
Beginning of March [1622]
By this time our town is impaled; enclosing a garden for every family.
Ibid., p. 55
March 1622 - Edward Winslow [Marginal date]
Following a discussion as to whether or not it was the right time to send an expedition to trade with the Massachusetts
[We] came to this conclusion; that as hitherto, upon all occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town . . .
Winslow, Good Newes., p. 286.
III - Building of the Fort, June 1622 - March 1623
1622
The deaths of 347 English settlers in Virginia on March 22, 1622, that took place during the uprising of the Powhattan under the leadership of Opechancanough, have been believed to be the reason for the building of the fort at Plymouth. It seems clear, though, that it was the threat of attack from the Narragansett and the Wampanoag which was the initial motivation for building the fort, strongly reinforced by the news from Jamestown. It is not clear as to when the letter from Captain John Huddleston, warning the Plymouth colonists of the massacre, was received. All we know is that it arrived "amidst these straits" (the arrival of Weston's sixty settlers at the end of July and early August 1622, and increasing famine), via a "boat which came from the eastward . . . from a stranger of whose name they had never heard before, being a captain of a ship come there a-fishing." Bradford then reprints the letter, from John Huddleston, whom Morison notes was master of the Bona Nova of 200 tons. Huddleston gave the Plymouth settlers warning of the massacre by Indians which had taken place in Virginia of 400 English. Winslow was sent to meet Huddleston with a letter of appreciation from the Governor, and to ask for any food supplies which he could spare, and Huddleston provided what he could. It was not a great deal, and was given out as daily rations, but it sustained them until harvest, giving the inhabitants a quarter of a pound of bread per day per person, supplemented by whatever else they could get.
This summer they built a fort with good timber, both strong and comely, which was of good defense, made with a flat roof and battlements, on which their ordnance were mounted, and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of danger. It served them also for a meeting house and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great work for them in this weakness and time of wants, but the danger of the time required it; and both the continual rumors of the fears from the Indians here, especially the Narragansetts, and also the hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to dispatch the same.
Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, p.111
June 1622 - Edward Winslow [Marginal date]
Winslow puts the start of the fort in June 1622. This was before the arrival of the Charity and the Swan in late July and early August with Weston's sixty "lusty" men on board, who spent the summer in Plymouth. Phineas Pratt and six others of Weston's colonists, sent on ahead, arrived in Plymouth on a shallop from the Sparrow, with three seamen on May 31, 1622. After escorting Winslow and others to the Sparrow in the hope of obtaining some food for the colony, it has been thought that the seven returned and remained in Plymouth until the Charity and Swan arrived and the search for a suitable site for a colony began in earnest. Finally all Weston's settlers moved to Wessagusset or Weymouth at the end of the summer, after causing the Plymouth colonists considerable trouble. It is doubtful as to whether any of the sixty assisted in building the fort, although it is possible that Pratt and his six companions could have done so before the arrival of the two ships, increasing the number available to build the fort to sixty. Pratt evidently formed close ties with the town, returning in March 1623 to warn them of the intention of the Indians to massacre them after wiping out the Wessagusset settlement.
In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen [Monhegan], the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat {Massasoit] seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill called the Mount, enclosed within our pale, under which our town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation.
Winslow, Good Newes, p. 295.
August 1622
The Discovery stopped at Plymouth sometime in August, 1622. It carried John Pory as a passenger en route to England from Virginia, at the end of his three-year term as Secretary to the Governor and Council of Virginia. There is no date given for when the ship called at Plymouth, but Pory wrote to Governor Bradford after leaving, in a letter dated August 28, 1622 (Bradford, p.113), so his visit would have been after the town was enclosed by a palisade, but before the fort was completed, and so although the Southampton letter was written some months later, it refers to some time in the summer of 1622. Pory's description of Plymouth, from which this excerpt is taken, is the first of three written by visitors to the new settlement that have survived. A fourth was published by Captain John Smith in 1624, based on a description by someone other than himself. Smith was familiar with Plymouth as it was prior to the settlers arrival in 1620, as he visited it briefly on his voyage of exploration around the coast in 1614. He did not, however, return to New England after his departure and the publication of his discoveries in 1616, despite considerable efforts made to do so, including offering his services to the Leiden leaders. They chose instead to hire Captain Myles Standish and make use of Smith's published maps.
January 13, 1623 - John Pory to the Earl of Southampton
Now concerning the quality of the people . . . their industry as well appeareth by their building, as by a substantial palisado about their [town] of 2700 foot in compass, stronger than I have seen any in Virginia, and lastly by a blockhouse which they have erected in the highest place of the town to mount their ordnance upon, from whence they may command all the harbour.
Three Visitors to Early Plymouth: Letters about the Pilgrim Settlement in New England during its First Seven Years, by John Pory, Emmanuel Altham, and Isaack de Rasieres. Sydney V. James, Jr. (Ed.), (Bedford, Mass.: Applewood, 1997), p. 11.
October, 1622 - Edward Winslow
Winslow mentions that Weston's larger ship, the Charity, returned to England at the end of September, 1622, leaving the Swan with his colony at Wessagusset for their use. The new colonists there wished to go into partnership with Plymouth to trade for corn, and twice Standish set out to travel with them, but violent storms prevented the Swan from proceeding, and then he became very ill. Winslow then refers to the impact which building the fort had upon the little community at Plymouth.
By reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend much time in fortification, but especially because such havoc was made of that little we had, through the unjust and dishonest carriage of those people before mentioned [Weston's colonists], at our first entertainment of them,) our Governor [Bradford] in his own person supplied the Captain's place {that of Standish]; and in the month of November, again set forth, having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot . . .
Winslow, Good Newes, p. 300
March 1623 - Edward Winslow [Marginal date]
Now was our fort made fit for service, and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it being ten months since it begun . . . amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity.
Ibid., p. 335.
Less than a year after Pory wrote to the Earl of Southampton, his description was corroborated by Emmanuel Altham in a letter to his brother in September, 1623. Altham was one of the merchant adventurers who had invested in the New Plymouth Company, and Captain of the Little James, the pinnace which the Company sent to Plymouth for fish and fur trading.
September, 1623 - Emmanuel Altham to Sir Edward Altham,
. . . And now to come more nearer to that I intend to write of, and first of the situation of the place C I mean the plantation at Patuxet [Indian name for Plymouth]. It is well situated upon a high hill close unto the seaside, and very commodious for shipping to come unto them. In this plantation is about twenty houses, for or five of which are very fair and pleasant, and the rest (as time will serve) shall be made better. And this town is in such manner that it makes a great street between the houses, and at the upper end of the town there is a strong fort, both by nature and art, with six pieces of reasonable good artillery mounted thereon; in which fort is continual watch, so that no Indian can come near thereabouts but he is presently seen. This town is paled about with pale of eight foot long, or thereabouts, and in the pale are three great gates.
Three Visitors, p. 24
1624 - Captain John Smith,
In 1624, a description of Plymouth that includes references to its fortification was published by Captain John Smith. Although best known for his critical role in the development of the English colony at Jamestown, including his rescue by Pocahontas from execution at the hands of Chief Powhatan, John Smith was no stranger to New England. In fact, it was he who gave that name to the region. He first published the result of his 1614 explorations on land and coastal survey in his Description of New England (London, 1616). It includes a Map of New England which he had presented to Prince Charles, son of James I, "humbly entreating his Highnesse hee would please to change their barbarous names for such English, as posteritie might say Prince Charles was their God-father . . ." Among the twenty-nine places renamed was Accomack, which was given the new name of Plimoth by the Prince, later marked on the map as New Plimoth. The account that follows is from Smith's General History of Virginia, the Summer Isles and New England.
At New-Plimoth there is about 180 persons, some cattle and goats, but many swine and poultry, 32 dwelling houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last winter, and the value of five hundred pounds in other goods. The town is impaled about half a mile in compass. In the town upon a high mount they have a fort well built with wood, loam and stone, where is planted their ordnance; also a fair watchtower, partly framed, for the sentinel. . .
The Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Iles, and New England . . . In Philip L. Barbour (Ed.) The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631) (Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press for The Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, 1986), vol. 2, p. 472.
ca. 1628 - Isaac de Rasieres to Samuel Blommaert
A fourth description of Plymouth in its early years comes to us from a letter written by Isaack de Rasieres, chief Trading Agent for the Dutch West India Company as well as Secretary to the Director-General of New Netherland, who visited Plymouth in 1627. His is the most detailed description of the four, and the part that refers to Plymouth's fortification is as follows:
New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east towards the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot of 800 feet long, leading down the hill; with a [street] crossing in the middle, northwards to the rivulet and southwards to the land.[1] The houses are constructed of clapboards, with gardens also enclosed behind and at the sides with clapboards, so that their houses and courtyards are arranged in very good order, with a stockade against sudden attack; and at the ends of the streets there are three wooden gates. In the center, on the cross street, stands the Governor's house [Bradford], before which is a square stockade upon which four patereros are mounted, so as to enfilade the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square house with a flat roof, built of thick sawn planks stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have six cannon, which shoot iron balls of four and five pounds, and command the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. . . .
Three Visitors, pp. 75-76
This fort stood until 1634, when in March a building contract was drawn up with Thomas Boardman for the construction of a new fort, to be completed by the end of May 1635. See
The Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff and David Pulsifer (William White, 1855-61; AMS Press, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 33-34.
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[1] In the text published in Three Visitors to Early Plymouth, there is a footnote, #29, inserted at this point.It reads: "He reverses the actual bearings; and the street first mentioned was longer, 1,150 feet. [J.F.J.]"J.F.J. are the initials of J.F. Jameson, editor of Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 in which de Rasieres' letter to Samuel Blommaert was first published in 1909.
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